In the last one month, different incidents and protests at the Jawaharlal Nehru University have provoked us to question the meaning of nationalism all over again. Photo courtesy: The Quint |
It’s highly improbable that you’ve missed the
‘anti-national’ label that’s been accorded in plenty in the last one month
after an incident at a government university in the national capital kicked-off
a political war. In case you missed it, here’s a quick fact-checked backgrounder.
But what
is nationalism?
Nationalism is not an uncontroversial word. While
it is seen as a derivative of the word nation, there are two schools of thought
about looking at it. The first, the primordial
school of thought takes an evolutionary route and looks at nationalism as the
idea that yields the contemporary form of groups or societies that people
subscribe to so as to ensure survival; what adds value to the idea of
nationalism is that it is thought to be emotional and durable, especially
because it draws on a common history, even ancestry.
The second, the so-called modernist idea says nationalism is what is invoked in societies
that have a self-sustaining industrial economy and a central authority that can
ensure unity while employing certain common or central norms or languages. It
essentially looks at it more as an idea used for nation-building. That’s where
the idea of ‘imagined communities’ as articulated first by Benedict Anderson comes in
for nationalism then is essentially a project that attempts to draw on
individual and societal patriotic currents.
So
then, did nation come first or nationalism? To me, right now, these
interpretations tend to suggest that nation is what nationalism results in and
re-enforces. Perhaps one could argue both ways and maybe it is another
chicken-egg conundrum.
Does patriotism
equal nationalism?
So nationalism wants to draw on patriotism and
build further and patriotism by itself may be re-enforced by nationalism, but
these related words still represent disparate meanings. While patriotism is a
sentiment and has an organic quotient attached to it, nationalism is a
introduced idea that builds on an identity. Nationalism requires instruments
such as a national anthem or a national day to unify people and to keep on
etching the idea of the nation.
Patriotism is innate and it just grows on its own.
If it is not entirely selfless, it is certainly unselfish. Nationalism though may
ask for something in return, for it is assumed that the nation-state is also a
purveyor of certain essential things. What further adds to this mix is the
social contract of citizenship in the post-Westphalian world where sovereignty and self-governance are norms. While sovereignty
promises to promise freedom from foreign interference or intervention, citizenship
means that for all rights and freedoms promised to the individual, there are a
‘reasonable’ number of directive principles as well. Discussing the validity of
these is not the objective of this essay, however, this essay does acknowledge
the need for citizenship in the modern world order and the fact that the idea
of nationalism (and citizenship) may thus be subject to the central authority.
Multiple
realities and the post national
Perhaps, like in most cases, here too a reality exists
in a complex overlap of it all, since the primordial seems to have merged with
the modernist in an age where the religious, economic and demographic divides
are as evident as you have the patience of observing them.
Where an individual like me in an urban setting is
drawn to the idea of post-nationalism (not non-nationalism) in the global yet
local ever-connected world, there are individuals and families in rural regions
who are now beginning to feel the prominence of the nation as they are better
connected with other parts of the country and as they emerge out from regional
or local shadows.
The university at the backdrop of this particular incident is said to be under a Leftist strong-hold, where as the central Indian government currently tilts to the right. Photo credit: JNU |
It’s also important here to note that how (divided)
voices from urban or sub-urban spaces on social media appear to get a shot in
the arm from the absence of voices from rural settings on social and mainstream
media. Thus, this makes the premise of the any debate (in this case around nationalism)
appear smaller than it is. Therefore, while the debate may tend to represent
many voices, it still may not represent all voices. We must also note that
there are attempts made to label these debates as only being stirred by
‘pseudo-intellectuals’ while adding that the common population is not concerned
by it; but that argument must always be treated with serious doubts, for in
most instances (especially ones that do not comprise economic factors and
immediate security), the common population is too engrossed in the daily act of
survival that raising debates may not even cross their mind, and if it does it
may come way behind ‘roti, kapda and
makaan’ (food, clothes and shelter) in their list of daily priorities. But
then again, haven’t polity and politics been spheres the elites (or at least
the privileged) have always called the shots?
Getting back, when I use the word post-national, I in no
way use it as a argument against nationalism, on the contrary I use it in the
context where it may be seen as a probably superlative of nationalism. It to me
describes an idea where while the national is very dear to the individual, its
relevance has merged with the presence of global or supranational entities like
say, the European Union or ASEAN and the deep reach of transnational and
multinational organisations. While domestic politics, the contemporary
international order that celebrates sovereignty and the uneven spread of
education and wealth ensure that the nation-state will remain very relevant,
growing global inter-connections, trade pacts and joint efforts also signify
that other groupings also acquire greater relevance. Perhaps, a supranational
entity like the European Union then could be seen as a primordial
evolution of the nation into another bigger grouping that then employs
modernist grouping-building techniques. Either way, the significant point to
note for the current context is that India thrives in multiple realities and to
label them all under a particular kind of nationalism is not only a case of
mistaken purpose, but also an unwelcome task.
Distinctions
we must question
So, on a bigger stage when talking about more than
one nation, while this debate may also be seen as a burgeoning disagreement between
the idea of nationalism and supra-nationalism in the modern age, it definitely
must be seen as a rub between the varied ideas within the nation about that idea
of nationalism in question. Clearly, it has also grown into one about ‘patents
on nationalism’ to freedom of expression. But some more distinctions that will
help approach the subject better include:
1. The state is not the same as the government.
2. Nationalism is not the same as patriotism.
3. Order is not the same as justice.
4. Fiction is not the same as facts.
Will this
debate end?
‘Imagined communities’ have long existed and will continue to; only the unit of their realisation (or analysis for social scientists) is expected to change with time. And as long as they exist, debates around topics such as what nationalism entails will always continue, for no one can have set of questions to test it. And as long as those debates thrive in peace, India, or any nation-state (or any other grouping) for that matter will be making some form of progress. Until then, it may be better off to establish that while nationalism may cover a similar set of ideals, there may be various exclusive subsets to that which may co-exist in harmony and that to question any of them without valid reason may yield nothing of value.
‘Imagined communities’ have long existed and will continue to; only the unit of their realisation (or analysis for social scientists) is expected to change with time. And as long as they exist, debates around topics such as what nationalism entails will always continue, for no one can have set of questions to test it. And as long as those debates thrive in peace, India, or any nation-state (or any other grouping) for that matter will be making some form of progress. Until then, it may be better off to establish that while nationalism may cover a similar set of ideals, there may be various exclusive subsets to that which may co-exist in harmony and that to question any of them without valid reason may yield nothing of value.